-^ci  par) 


FOREWORD 

the  occasion  of  their  official  visit  to  New 
York  City,  Viscount  Kikujiro  Ishii  and 
other  members  of  the  Imperial  Japanese  Com- 
mission to  the  United  States  were  entertained 
on  October  1,  1917,  at  Dinner  at  the  St.  Regis 
Hotel  by  Oswald  Garrison  Villard.  Editors  or 
publishers  of  many  newspapers  and  magazines 
of  New  York  and  various  sections  of  the  United 
States  were  among  the  guests.  The  representa- 
tives of  Japan  were  thus  brought  into  touch 
with  an  influential  portion  of  the  American 
press  and  a frank  and  cordial  interchange  of 
views  on  American- Japanese  relations  took 
place.  The  addresses  are  reproduced  in  the 
order  of  their  delivery  by  the  following-named 


speakers: 

Oswald  Garrison  Villard  - - - - Page  3-4 

Viscount  Kikujiro  Ishii  - - - - Page  4 

Comptroller  William  A.  Prendergast  Page  5 
Professor  John  Dewey  -----  Page  5-6 
Don  C.  Seitz  - --  --  --  - Page  6-7 
Ambassador  Aimaro  Sato  - - - Page  7 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2017  with  funding  from 
Columbia  University  Libraries 


https://archive.org/details/japanamericaOOvill 


Address  by  Oswald  Garrison  Villard 

President  of  The  New  York  Evening  Post  Company 


Viscount  Ishii: 

It  is  a great  privilege  to  have  even  a 
small  part  in  welcoming  your  Excel- 
lency and  your  distinguished  associates 
of  this  Commission  to  New  York.  The 
official  welcome  you  have  just  received 
will  have  demonstrated  beyond  question 
the  earnest  friendship  of  the  imperial 
city  of  America.  But  it  seemed  as  if 
your  visit  should  not  be  allowed  to  pass 
without  an  opportunity  being  given  to 
some  of  the  makers  of  public  opinion 
through  the  press  of  the  East  of  the 
United  States  to  receive  a message 
directly  from  you  in  this,  the  most  vital 
and  most  tragic  period  in  the  history  of 
modern  nations.  Hence  this  gathering. 

The  hour  is  the  more  opportune  since 
both  nations  are  allies  in  the  greatest 
struggle  of  any  time.  Surely  no  moment 
could  be  more  propitious  for  the  forging 
of  new  ties,  the  strengthening  of  old 
ones,  and  the  removal  of  aU  cau.ses  of 
misunderstanding  or  friction  than  the 
present,  when  both  nations  have  staked 
their  financial  and  material  prosperity, 
yes,  their  very  all,  upon  the  effort  to  safe- 
guard small  nations  and  to  convert  to  de- 
mocracy that  Germany  which  is  to-day 
ruled  by  as  unprincipled  and  wicked  a 
ring  of  militarists,  aristocrats,  and  auto- 
crats, as  ever  brought  a proud  and 
mighty  nation  to  utter  shame  and  dis- 
grace. 

When  one  recalls  what  these  men 
have  done  to  all  humanity,  the  crimes 
of  which  they  and  their  dupes  have  been 
guilty,  what  misery  and  suffering  they 
have  caused  in  every  nation  on  earth,  one 
trembles  to  think  what  fate  will  be  theirs 
if  there  be  such  a thing  as  retributive 
justice.  There  are  among  us  Americans 
open  differences  of  opinion  as  to  the  best 
means  of  combating  this  German  men- 
ace to  civilization,  but  I beg  your  Excel- 
lency to  take  back  to  Japan  the  truth 
that  no  single  American  who  understands 
and  has  at  heart  the  love  of  American  in- 
stitutions, but  is  entirely  and  completely 
determined  that  the  abominable  doctrine 
of  might  above  right  shall  never  control 
this  world,  and  that  the  ethical  standards 
established  as  the  rule  of  conduct  among 
honest  and  honorable  men  shall  prevail 
among  all  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

We  of  the  American  press  have  been 
asked  not  to  comment  upon  the  negotia- 
tions lately  in  progress  in  Washington 
or  to  speculate  as  to  just  what  your  Ex- 
cellency took  under  consideration  with 
our  Secretary  of  State.  To  this  injunc- 
tion we  have  loyally  given  heed.  But  it 
is,  I am  sure,  entirely  permissible  now 
to  voice  the  desire  that  in  its  every  as- 
pect your  Mission  has  achieved  the  high- 
est success,  and  to  breathe  the  ardent 
hope  that  the  scope  of  your  activity 


touched  not  only  upon  our  relations  in 
war,  but  upon  those  of  peace.  For  I 
wish  your  Excellency  to  realize  that  there 
are  among  us  American  press  men  many 
who  have  no  more  eagerly  cherished  de- 
sire than  toi  utilize  the  existing  close  al- 
liance to  wipe  out  every  cause  for  friction 
and  to  so  strengthen  the  foundations  of 
friendship  between  the  two  nations  as 
to  render  them  safe,  safe  beyond  the  as- 
saults of  demagogues  in  office  or  of  the 
press,  and  safe  beyond  any  sudden  gusts 
of  popular  passion.  With  some  of  us  this 
desire  is  second  only  to  the  ouestion  of 
a just  and  lasting  peace  as  a prelude  to 
the  building  of  a better  and  a nobler 
world. 

We  echo  with  all  earnestness  the  senti- 
ments so  nobly  voiced  by  you  at  the 
great  dinner  on  Saturday  evening,  for 
those  journalists  for  whom  I would  speak 
have  been  for  some  time  laboring — to  use 
your  own  words — “to  cast  out  the  devil 
of  suspicion  and  distrust,’’  “to  combat 
misconception  and  fraud’’  in  the  relations 
of  Japan  and  the  United  States,  and  are 
already  at  the  task  of  rebuilding  the  “edi- 
fice of  mutual  confidence.’’  To  this  we 
shall  devote  ourselves  the  more  zealously 
because  of  your  appeal  and  the  more  ef- 
fectively because  of  your  assurance  that 
Japan  has  no  designs  upon  the  territorial 
integrity  of  China. 

We  feel  the  more  deeply  about  all  this 
because  some  of  our  little-respected,  or 
our  little-understanding  colleagues,  have 
played  the  wicked  and  deplorable  part  of 
striving  to  sow  the  seeds  of  discord.  I 
beg  your  ExceUency  to  believe  that  this 
no  more  represents  the  whole  of  the  hon- 
est press  of  this  land  than  it  does  the 
wishes  of  the  vast  bulk  of  the  American 
people.  The  exceptions  have,  however, 
impelled  the  rest  of  us  to  do  aU  within  our 
power  to  suggest  ways  and  means  to  ren- 
der secure  the  ties  that  bind.  'Thus,  we 
would  have  an  interchange  of  visits  be- 
tween representatives  of  every  class  of 
citizens.  We  would  have  established  with- 
in the  United  States  an  entirely  free  and 
independent  bureau  of  information  so  as 
to  make  it  possible  to  contradict  at  once 
any  such  false  dispatches  as  those  which 
on  this  side  of  the  Pacific  have  repre- 
sented the  Japanese  fleet  as  having  de- 
signs on  Mexico  and  in  Japan  have  por- 
trayed the  United  States  fleet  as  having 
passed  through  the  Panama  Canal  in  full 
war  panoply  bound  for  Yokohama. 

We  desire  to  have  created  a Japanese- 
American  commission,  or  a commission 
from  all  the  countries  around  the  Pacific, 
to  meet  on  convenient  ground  and  to 
study  and  report  upon  all  the  problems 
growing  out  of  the  contacts  of  the  sever- 
al peoples  concerned;  we  desire  to  have 
our  own  laws  so  amended  that  there  shall 

3 


be  no  distinctions  between  aliens  of  any 
nationalities  and  that  all  of  foreign  birth 
who  come  to  live  permanently  among  us 
shall  acquire  citizenship  on  equal  terms. 
We  stand,  in  other  words,  for  the  histor- 
ic American  square  deal  to  all  comers — 
however  often  it  may  have  been  honored 
in  the  breach  in  the  past.  And,  above  all, 
some  of  us  desire  complete  disarmament 
when  peace  comes  abroad,  that  the  cost 
and  the  menace  of  great  fleets  and  great 
armies  shall  be  removed  once  for  all;  in 
order  that  men  shall  not  rise,  as  they  have 
risen  in  the  past  in  Congress,  to  declare 
that  our  navy  is  built  to  combat  Japan’s, 
or  in  the  Japanese  Parliament  to  try  to 
bring  about  the  fall  of  a Ministry  because 
the  Japanese  navy  is  not  as  great  as  that 
of  the  United  States.  We  wish,  I repeat, 
to  remove  every  cause  for  suspicion  and 
distrust;  every  basis  for  the  belief  that 
one  nation  is  threatening  the  other. 

This  disarmament,  some  people  are  now 
saying,  is  an  idealisdc  dream.  But,  Sir,  it  is 
the  idealists  who  are  going  to  control  this 
world  when  the  war  is  over,  those  who  are 
dreaming  dreams  of  the  brotherhood  of 
man,  seeing  visions  of  social  regeneration, 
of  an  equality  among  men  and  women 
such  as  has  never  before  been  attempt- 
ed on  earth.  Visionaries  and  dangerous 
theorists,  some  of  our  practical  politicians 
are  calling  them,  and  he  would  be  bold 
indeed  who  would  declare  all  their  plans 
to  be  practical  or  wise  or  to  assert  that 
any  clear-cut  or  approximately  complete 
chart  of  the  new  world  in  which  we  shall 
live  has  been  drawn.  We  must  grope  our 
way  into  it.  trying  this  route,  essaying 
that  highway,  tapping  at  each  portal,  try- 
ing each  gateway  into  the  novel  and  the 
unattempted. 

We  shall  stumble,  we  may  be  swayed 
by  fears  and  passions,  but  forward 
into  the  new  domain  we  shall  go. 
That  is  as  clear  as  the  snow  top 
of  Fujiyama  on  a cloudless  day.  When 
almost  every  nation  reports  amaz- 
ing Socialist  gains,  when  Spain,  Portu- 
gal, Argentina,  and  even  Australia  have 
been  on  the  brink  of  revolution,  and  the 
London  Times  is  alarmed  at  the  amazing 
spread  of  social  revolution  in  England, 
it  is  no  wonder  that  the  world  is  asking 
itself:  Whither  is  this  all  leading  to?  No 
man  is  wise  enough  to  say;  few  can  look 
beyond  the  morrow.  We  can  only  see 
that  the  world  is  in  the  grip  of  terrific 
forces,  of  huge  spiritual  and  economic 
genii,  as  unwittingly  unchained  as  those 
in  the  Arabian  Nights,  and  that,  for  bet- 
ter or  for  worse,  modern  institutions  are 
being  recast  in  the  piould.  The  reassur- 
ing thing  is  that  power  is  going  out  of 
the  hands  of  the  few  into  those  of  the 
many;  that  the  drift  Is  utterly  away  from 
the  European  imperialism  of  the  past  and 


its  diplomacy.  To  conquer  small  nation- 
alities or  to  take  slices  out  of  any  thinly 
populated  countries  will  be  difficult  in- 
deed for  any  European  nation  hereafter. 

That  will  mean  a vast  gain  for  peace 
and  good-will  among  nations,  just  as  the 
war  has  shown  the  absence  of  personal 
antagonisms  among  the  individual  sol- 
diers. All  of  which,  your  Exceliency, 
bears  directly  upon  the  future  relations 
of  differentiated  races.  They  are  bound 
to  improve,  for  among  the  great  inarticu- 
late masses  there  surely  exists  no  other 
feeling  save  one  of  good-will  to  the  work- 
ers of  other  climes  and  the  desire  to  live 
and  let  live,  each  in  his  own  pursuit  of 
happiness.  Our  American  masses  will, 
I am  sure,  approve  of  any  step,  at  any 
cost,  to  bring  about  better  reiations  be- 
tween our  nations,  which  goes  below  the 
surface  and  seeks  the  basis  for  perma- 
nent friendsliip  not  only  in  matters  eco- 
nomic and  poiitical,  but  in  what  may  be 
inadequately  described  as  the  cultural 
philosophy  of  the  two  nations,  their  deep 
undei'lying  beliefs  and  aspirations.  I am 


sure  that  all  my  hearers  have  been  struck 
as  I have  been  by  the  devotion  of  Ameri- 
can or  English  missionaries  or  residents 
abroad  to  the  peoples  among  whom  they 
have  lived  for  a considerable  period  of 
time.  Thus,  they  love  the  Turks,  despite 
all  the  crimes  committed  in  their  name, 
and  those  who  really  and  thoroughly 
know  Chinese,  Egyptians,  and  Japanese, 
and  others  whose  difficult  languages  are 
a bar  to  easy  intercourse,  love  them,  hon- 
or them,  and  cherish  the  desire  to  see 
them  rise  steadily  to  power  and  self- 
knowledge  and  true  freedom.  The  task 
for  us  of  the  press  who  are  dedicated  to 
friendly  relations  the  world  over  is  to 
bring  home  to  our  people  the  meaning  of 
this,  which  is  the  essential  oneness  of 
humanity  whenever  we  take  the  time 

really  to  know  others  as  we  know  our- 

selves. 

To  this  idealism  for  the  future  there 
is  coming,  I believe,  a great  army  of  re- 
inforcement as  soon  as  the  war  is  over. 
I mean  the  survivors  of  the  trenches,  the 
hale  and  hearty  as  well  as  the  blinded  and 
mutilated.  There  is  every  indication  that 

■K  -K  -K 


they  will  return  determined  that  new 
ways  be  found  of  organizing  the  worid 
and  of  settling  its  differences  of  opinions 
and  aspirations.  It  is  not  possible  to  be- 
lieve that  after  the  sacrifices  they  have 
made  they  will  be  on  the  side  of  race 
prejudice  or  of  hate,  of  suspicion,  of  dis- 
trust, nor  of  the  spirit  of  murder  as  we 
have  seen  it  organized  by  the  German 
General  Staff. 

Whether  this  opinion  be  right  or  wrong, 
your  Excellency,  I beg  of  you  to  re- 
turn to  Japan  in  the  belief  and  with  the 
hope  that  the  outcome  of  this  whole  world 
struggle  is  certain  to  make  for  human 
fellowship.  And  will  you  not  also  say 
to  your  countrymen  in  your  own  Eastern 
land,  the  land  of  extraordinary  ability 
and  power,  of  the  proud  spirit  that  pre- 
fers to  perish  rather  than  to  suffer  dis- 
honor, the  land  of  exquisite  art  and  rarest 
beauty,  that  there  are  some  in  America 
who  have  no  higher  wish  than  that  it 
shall  be  said  of  them:  They  were  of  the 
belief  in  the  brotherhood  of  man  eind 
therefore  they  were  at  all  times  friends 
and  lovers  of  Japan. 


Address  by  Viscount  Kikujiro  Ishii 

of  the  Imperial  Japanese  Commission  to  the  United  States 


Mr.  Villard  and  Gentlemen:  Only 

such  a host  as  you  among  a multitude  of 
hosts  and  a wealth  of  hospitality  could 
have  realized  the  particular  pleasure  it 
would  afford  me  to  be  your  guest  to- 
night at  a gathering  of  this  character. 
You  are  giving  me  an  opportunity  to 
express  my  sense  of  deep  appreciation 
of  the  part  played  by  the  newspaners  of 
New  York  and  of  America  in  this  won- 
derful reception  to  me  and  my  associates 
of  this  Mission.  It  would  be  unwise  for 
me  to  waste  your  time,  and  particularly 
unwise  to  talk  too  much,  especially  in 
this  distinguished  presence.  I am  not 
going  to  bore  you  with  repetition  of  what 
I have  already  said  in  public  speech  in 
many  places.  I have  endeavored  to  speak 
frankly  and  plainly  at  all  times,  and 
while  I regret  shortcomings  of  language 
and  expression,  I have  done  my  utmost 
to  convey  the  truth  and  nothing  but 
the  truth  to  the  people  of  America.  I 
am  indeed  deeply  grateful  to  the  press 
of  this  country  for  the  splendid  and 
wholehearted  support  and  consistent 
courtesy  extended  to  us.  Gentlemen,  the 
spirit  is  willing,  but  my  tongue  is  weak. 

I cannot  to  the  full  extent  tell  you  of 
my  appreciation,  because  your  language 
fails  me,  and  certainly  my  language  would 
fail  to  satisfy  you  if  I attempted  to  use 
it  here.  I have  endeavored  since  land- 
ing in  America  some  seven  weeks  ago  to 
avoid  the  use  of  idle  words  or  the  putting 
forward  of  ideas  capable  of  a double 
meaning  or  which  could  be  misconstrued. 
In  this  connection,  let  me  ask  a favor  at 
your  hands.  There  is  one  explanation  I 


would  like  to  make  here  before  you,  and 
request  you  to  transmit  to  the  people 
of  this  country.  In  a speech  delivered 
on  Saturday  night  I made  particular  ref- 
erence to  the  policy  of  Japan  with  regard 
to  China.  This  reference  took  the  form 
of  a repetition  of  the  pledge  and  promise 
that  Japan  would  not  violate  the  political 
independence  or  territorial  integrity  of 
China;  would  at  all  times  regard  the  high 
principle  of  the  open  door  and  equal  op- 
portunity. Now  I find  that  this  utterance 
of  mine  is  taken  as  the  enunciation  of  a 
“Monroe  Doctrine  in  Asia.”  I wairt  to 
make  it  very  clear  to  you  that  the  appli- 
cation of  the  term  “Monroe  Doctrine”  to 
this  policy  and  principle,  voluntarily  out- 
lined and  pledged  by  me,  is  inaccurate. 

There  is  this  fundamental  difference 
between  the  “Monroe  Doctrine”  of  the 
United  States  as  to  Central  and  South 
America  and  the  enunciation  of  Japan’s 
attitude  toward  China.  In  the  first  there 
is  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  no 
engagement  or  promise,  white  in  the  oth- 
er Japan  voluntarily  announces  that 
Japan  will  herself  engage  not  to  violate 
the  political  or  territorial  integrity  of 
her  neighbor,  and  to  observe  the  principle 
of  the  open  door  and  equal  opportunity, 
asking  at  the  same  time  other  nations 
to  respect  these  principles. 

Therefore,  gentlemen,  you  will  mark 
the  wide  difference  and  agree  with  me,  I 
am  sure,  that  the  use  of  the  term  is  some- 
what loose  and  misleading.  I ask  you 
to  note  this  with  no  suggestion  that  I can 
or  any  one  else  does  question  the  policy 
or  attitude  of  your  country,  which  we  well 

4 


know  will  always  deal  fairly  and  honor- 
ably with  other  nations. 

As  you  must  have  noticed,  I have  per- 
sistently struck  one  note  every  time  I 
have  spoken.  It  has  been  the  note  of 
warning  against  German  intrigue  in 
America  and  in  Japan — ^intrigue  which 
has  extended  over  a period  of  more  than 
ten  years.  I am  not  going  to  weary 
you  with  a repetition  of  this  squalid  story 
of  plots,  conceived  and  fostered  by  the 
agents  of  Germany,  but  I solemnly  re- 
peat the  warning  here  in  this  most  dis- 
tinguished gathering,  so  thoroughly  rep- 
resentative of  the  highest  ideals  of  Amer- 
ican journalism. 

In  my  speeches  at  various  places  I have 
endeavored  to  speak  frankly  on  all  points 
at  issue  or  of  interest  at  this  time.  There 
are,  of  course,  some  things  which  cannot 
be  openly  discussed,  because  of  a wise 
embargo  upon  unwise  disclosures,  but  I 
am  confident  that  from  this  time  forward 
we  will  be  able  to  effectively  cooperate 
in  all  matters  tending  to  secure  a victory 
in  this  struggle  which  means  so  much 
for  all  of  us,  and  that  throughout  all  the 
years  to  come,  differences  of  opinion  or 
difficulties  arising  between  our  two  coun- 
tries will  be  settled,  as  all  such  questions 
and  difficulties  can  be  settled,  between 
close  friends  and  partners. 

I thank  you,  sir,  for  your  hospitality 
and  for  your  courtesy.  I assure  you, 
gentlemen,  again  that  we  appreciate  more 
than  I can  express  the  high  considera- 
tion. the  patriotism,  and  the  broad  and 
friendly  spirit  with  which  you  have  treat- 
ed this  Mission  from  Japan. 


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Address  by  William  A.  Prendergast 

Comptroller  of  the  City  of  New  York 


Mr.  Chairman,  Viscount  Ishii,  Gentle- 
men of  the  Commission,  your  Excellency, 
and  Gentlemen:  Our  host  upon  this  oc- 
casion has  asked  me  to  say  a word  of 
welcome  to  Viscount  Ishii  and  associate 
members  of  the  Commission  in  the  name 
of  the  great  city  of  New  York.  During 
the  last  few  days  you  have  heard  from 
the  city’s  Chief  Executive,  in  phrase 
chaste  and  of  superior  dignity,  of  your 
cordial  welcome  by  the  city. 

It  would  seem  to  me  that  it  is  hardly 
necessary  even  to  attempt  to  repeat  at 
this  time  anything  that  has  already  been 
said  to  you,  or  to  try  to  further  impress 
upon  your  minds  the  very  great  pleasure 
and  honor  and  happiness  that  it  gives 
New  York  to  have  you  as  its  guests;  and 
this  welcome  has  had  a peculiar  cordial- 
ity. We  have,  it  is  true,  welcomed  to 
this  city  during  the  last  few  months  the 
representatives  of  other  nations — all  of 
them  our  allies;  but  I think  I can  say 
that  with  all  those  nations  there  was  a 
somewhat  different  relation  from  that 
which  has  existed  with  yours.  To  most  of 
them  we  were  bound  from  time  imme- 
morial, by  ties  of  blood  and  very  close 
interest  and  association.  Yours  is  a new- 
er connection;  and  it  is  true  that  there 
have  been  times  when  there  has  existed 
misunderstanding  regarding  the  real  at- 
titude of  Japan  toward  America,  and 
America  toward  Japan;  but  this  misun- 
derstanding never  arose  from  any  in- 
herent belief  upon  the  part  of  the  great 


mass  of  our  people  as  to  what  your  atti- 
tude re.ally  was.  It  was,  as  has  so  often 
been  said  upon  these  ceremonial  occa- 
sions during  the  last  few  days,  due  en- 
tirely to  the  disposition  of  malefactors  of 
the  press,  if  I may  say  so  [laughter],  and 
one  principal  malefactor  in  particular 
[great  laughter] — fabrications  prepared 
for  the  express  purpose  of  creating  dis- 
turbance of  mind  and  understanding  and 
misconception  and  doubt  and  distrust  be- 
tween these  peoples;  but  it  has  been 
splendidly  shown  to  you,  since  your  com- 
ing to  this  country  seven  weeks  ago,  that 
everything  of  that  kind  that  has  been 
said  has  been  untrue,  and  that  upon  the 
part  of  the  American  people  there  does 
exist  and  has  existed  a feeling  not  only 
of  cordial  friendship  but  of  great,  intense 
admiration  for  what  your  nation  repre- 
sents, and  what  it  has  done  for  civiliza- 
tion in  the  last  fifty  or  sixty  years. 

Now,  Viscount  Ishii,  might  I at  this 
time  sound  a note  which  may  be  some- 
what contrary  to  that  which  has  been  the 
dominant  idea  of  our  discussions  upon 
these  occasions?  We  have  treated,  and 
naturally,  of  war.  That  is  the  thought 
that  is  uppermost  in  our  minds.  It  is 
the  thing  that  is  in  the  thought  and  the 
mind  of  man,  woman,  and  child — war.  I 
can  say  detestable  war,  because  war  is 
detestable,  and  we  are  fighting  this  war 
to-day  for  the  purpose  of  driving  out 
war  permanently.  That  is  the  great  ob- 
ject of  our  entering  this  war,  or  one  of 

-K  -K  -K 


the  great  objects,  and  I am  sure  that  1\ 
is  also  one  of  yours.  It  was  a great 
relief  to  us — a great  relief  to  the  civil- 
ized world — that  when  this  war  broke  out 
you  were  in  your  position  of  primacy  up- 
on the  Pacific,  there  to  guard  effectively 
and  effectually  against  the  diplomatic 
depredations  that  might  have  taken  place 
if  Germany  had  been  permitted  to  do  as 
she  was  disposed  to  do  in  China.  For 
the  service  that  you  rendered  in  that 
respect  the  world  is  indeed  your  debtor. 
But  the  idea  that  I think  we  should  also 
have  in  mind,  as  well  as  winning  the  war, 
as  well  as  prosecuting  it  to  a successful 
finish,  is  this:  While  we  are  engaged  in 
this  war,  let  us  realize  the  ties  that 
bind.  Let  us  realize  that  brothers  in  war 
should  be  brothers  in  peace;  that  what 
we  have  at  interest  in  the  war  we  will 
also  have  at  interest  in  times  of  peace; 
and  during  this  struggle,  when  we  are 
so  close  together,  when  we  are  fraterniz- 
ing, as  brothers  should,  when  we  are  feel- 
ing toward  each  other  as  brothers  should, 
let  us  lay  the  groundwork  of  a great  com- 
mercial relation  that  no  contingency  or 
exigency  will  ever  disturb  in  the  future, 
the  groundwork  of  a commercial  rela- 
tion that  will  draw  us  so  close  together 
that  we  will  realize  the  genuine  ties  of 
brotherhood.  That,  I think,  is  one  of 
the  great  desires  of  the  American  people, 
and  that  is  one  of  the  great  desires  that 
New  York  expresses  to  you,  at  the  con- 
clusion of  your  happy  visit  to  us. 


Address  by  John  Dewey 

Professor  of  Philosophy  in  Columbia  University 


Some  one  remarked  that  the  best  way 
to  unite  all  the  nations  on  this  globe 
would  be  an  attack  from  some  other 
planet.  In  the  face  of  such  an  alien 
enemy,  people  would  respond  with  a sense 
of  their  unity  of  interest  and  purpose. 
We  are  the  next  thing  to  that  at  the 
present  time.  Before  a common  menace. 
North  and  South  America,  the  Occident 
and  Orient  have  done  an  unheard-of 
thing,  a wonderful  thing,  a thing  which, 
it  may  well  be,  future  history  will  point 
to  as  the  most  significant  thing  in  these 
days  of  wonderful  happenings.  They 
have  joined  forces  amply  and  intimately 
in  a common  cause  with  one  another  and 
with  the  European  nations  which  were 
most  directly  threatened.  What  a few 
dreamers  hoped  might  happen  in  the 
course  of  some  slow-coming  century  has 
become  an  accomplished  fact  in  a few 
swift  years.  In  spite  of  geographical 
distance,  unlike  speech,  diverse  religion. 


and  hitherto  independent  aims,  nations 
from  every  continent  have  formed  what 
for  the  time  being  is  nothing  less  than 
a world  state,  an  immense  cooperative 
action  in  behalf  of  civilization. 

It  is  safe  to  say  that,  with  all  its  pre- 
paredness, Germany  never  anticipated 
this  result.  Even  now  the  fact  is  so 
close  to  us  that  even  we,  who  have  been 
brought  together,  are  too  much  engaged 
in  the  duties  which  the  union  imposes 
to  realize  the  force  of  the  piew  and 
unique  creation  of  a union  of  peoples,  yes, 
of  continents.  The  imagination  is  not  yet 
capable  of  taking  it  in. 

It  has  been  more  than  once  noted  that 
Germany  has  exhibited  an  extraordinary 
spectacle  to  the  world.  It  has  stood  for 
organization  at  home  and  disorganiza- 
tion abroad,  for  cooperative  effort  among 
its  own  people  and  for  division  and  hos- 
tility among  all  other  peoples.  All 
through  the  earlier  years  of  the  war  the 

5 


intellectuals  of  Germany  appealed  for 
sympathy  in  this  country  because  of 
what  Germany  had  done  in  the  way  of 
social  legislatipn  and  administration  to 
promote  the  unity  of  all  classes,  because 
of  its  efficiency  in  organization,  because 
of  the  intelligent  efforts  it  had  made  to 
secure  domestic  prosperity.  But,  at  the 
same  time,  as  events  have  since  only  too 
clearly  demonstrated,  it  was  bending  ev- 
ery energy  of  corrupt  and  hateful  in- 
trigue to  disunite  the  American  people 
among  themselves  and  to  incite  suspicion, 
jealousy,  envy,  and  even  active  hostility 
between  the  American  nation  and  other 
nations,  like  Mexico  and  Japan,  with 
whom  we  had  every  reason  to  live  in 
amity  and  no  reasons  of  weight  for  any- 
thing but  amity.  In  the  light  of  this 
exhibition,  German  love  of  organization 
and  cooperative  unity  at  home  gains  a 
sinister  meaning.  It  stands  convicted  ol 
falsity  because  born  of  a malicious  con- 


spiracy  against  the  rest  of  the  world. 
It  loved  unity  and  harmony,  not  for 
themselves,  but  simply  as  a means  of 
bringing  about  that  dominion  of  Ger- 
many over  the  world  of  which  its  re- 
morseless and  treacherous  efforts  to  di- 
vided other  peoples  are  the  other  half. 

The  rest  of  the  world,  of  the  once  neu- 
tral world,  was,  it  must  be  confessed, 
slow  to  awake  to  Germany's  plots  and 
purposes.  They  seemed  fantastic,  unreal, 
in  their  unbridled  lust  for  power  and 
their  incredibly  bad  faith.  It  was  es- 
pecially hard  for  us  in  this  country  who 
have  never  been  trained  to  identify  our 
loyalty  to  our  own  country  with  hatred 
of  any  other  to  realize  that  Germany’s 
genius  for  efficiency  and  organization  had 
become  a menace  to  domestic  union  and 
international  friendliness  over  the  world. 
But  finally  in  North  America,  as  in  South 
America,  and  in  Asia,  when  the  case 
became  too  clear  for  further  doubt,  Ger- 
many’s challenge  was  met.  Against  Ger- 
many’s efforts  to  disunite  there  arose  a 
world  united  in  endeavor  and  achievement 
on  a scale  unprecedented  in  the  history  of 
this  globe,  a scale  too  vast  not  to  endure 
and  in  enduring  to  make  the  future  his- 
tory of  international  relationships  some- 
thing very  different  from  their  past  history. 
In  struggling  by  cunning  and  corrup- 
tion to  separate  and  divide  other  peoples, 
Germany  has  succeeded  in  drawing  them 
together  with  a rapidity  and  an  intimacy 


almost  beyond  belief.  Nations  thus 
brought  together  in  community  of  feeling 
and  action  will  not  easily  fall  apart,  even 
though  the  occasion  which  brought  them 
together  passes,  as,  pray  God,  it  will  soon 
pass.  The  Germany  which  seems  finally 
to  be  breaking  up  within  has  furnished 
the  rest  of  the  world  with  a cement 
whose  uses  will  not  easily  be  forgotten. 

Formal  alliances,  set  treaties,  legal  ar- 
rangements for  arbitration  and  concilia- 
tion, leagues  and  courts  of  nations,  all 
have  their  importance.  But,  gentlemen, 
their  importance  is  secondary.  They  are 
effects  rather  than  causes,  symptoms  ra- 
ther than  forces.  You  may  have  them 
all,  and  if  nations  have  not  discovered 
that  their  permanent  interests  are  in 
niutuality  and  interchange,  they  will  be 
evaded  or  overridden.  They  may  be 
lacking,  but  if  the  vital  sap  of  reciprocal 
tiust  and  friendly  intercourse  is  flowing 
through  the  arteriiis  of  commerce  and 
the  public  press,  they  will  come  in  due 
season  as  naturally  and  inevitably  as  the 
trees  put  forth  their  leaves  when  their 
day  of  spring  has  come.  It  is  our  prob- 
lem and  our  duty,  I repeat,  especially  of 
you  gentlemen  of  diplomacy  and  of  what 
I shall  venture  to  call  the  even  more 
powerful  instrument  cf  good  will  and  un- 
derstanding, the  public  press,  to  turn 
cur  immediate  and  temporary  relation  for 
purposes  of  war  into  an  enduring  and 
solid  connection  for  all  of  the  sweet  and 
constructive  offices  of  that  peace  which 


must  some  day  again  dawn  upon  a 
wracked  and  troubled  world. 

Where  diversity  is  greatest,  there  is 
the  greatest  opportunity  for  a fruitful  co- 
operation which  will  be  magnificently 
helpful  to  those  who  cooperate.  This 
meeting  this  evening  is  a signal  evidence 
of  the  coming  together  of  the  portions 
of  the  earth  which  for  countless  cen- 
turies went  their  own  way  in  isolation, 
developing  great  civilizations,  each  in 
their  own  way.  Now  in  the  fulness  of 
days,  the  Orient  and  the  Occident,  the 
United  States  and  Japan,  have  drawn  to- 
gether to  engage  in  faith  in  themselves 
and  in  each  other  in  the  work  of  building 
up  a society  of  nations  each  free  to  de- 
velop its  own  national  life  and  each 
bound  in  helpful  intercourse  with  every 
other.  May  every  influence  which  would 
sow  suspicion  and  misunderstanding  be 
accursed,  and  every  kindly  power  that 
furthers  enduring  understanding  and  re- 
ciprocal usefulness  be  blest.  May  this 
meeting  stand  not  only  as  a passing  sym- 
bol, but  as  a lasting  landmark  of  the 
truth  that  among  nations  as  among  men 
of  good  will  there  shall  be  peace,  not  a 
peace  of  isolation  or  bare  toleration 
which  has  become  impossible  in  this 
round  world  of  ours,  not  a peace  based 
on  mutual  fear  and  mutual  armament, 
but  a virile  peace  in  which  emulation  in 
commerce,  science,  and  the  arts  bespeaks 
two  great  nations  that  respect  each  other 
because  they  respect  themselves. 


X- 

Address  by  Don  C.  Seitz 

Business  Manager  of  the  New  York  World 


I think  the  visit  of  the  Japanese  Com- 
mission has  been  the  most  impressive 
among  all  of  those  who  have  come  to 
us  from  the  other  parts  of  the  world 
as  the  outcome  of  the  great  war,  and  I 
think,  too,  it  has  a great  purpose,  and 
is  bound  to  have  a great  result,  because, 
if  you  will  recall  carefully,  you  will  find 
that  the  other  gentlemen  all  came 
to  the  United  States  to  get  something; 
but  these  gentlemen  have  come  to  give 
us  something. 

There  is  a great  deal  to  be  learned  in 
the  Orient,  and  I know  it  Is  a trite 
phrase  to  say  that  everything  is  up.side 
down  in  the  East,  that  all  Oriental  ideas 
are  opposite  those  held  by  ourselves,  and 
in  some  ways  this  is  an  improvement. 
There  is  also  a perspicacity  among 
Orientals  which  we  lack  ourselves.  Only 
recently  I had  to  sit  for  nearly  an  hour 
and  listen  to  the  efforts  of  the  former 
Attorney-General  of  the  United  States 
to  explain  and  vindicate  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine, and  here  Viscount  Ishii,  in  the 
midst  of  many  affairs,  sizes  it  up  in  a 
few  words,  and  says  that  our  fundamen- 
tal fault  is  that  we  will  allow  no  one  to 
lick  our  neighbors  but  ourselves. 


The  East  has  often  been  advertised 
as  changeless.  This  is  wrong.  Matthew 
Arnold,  you  know,  wrote  a celebrated 
verse  in  which  he  said  something  like 
this;  that  “The  East  bowed  low  before 
the  blast,  in  silent  proud  disdain;  she  let 
the  legions  thunder  past,  and  turned  to 
thought  again.” 

Now,  take  it  from  me,  they  do  more 
thinking  in  an  hour  than  we  do  in  a 
week  in  the  United  States.  We  very 
largely  jump  at  conclusions — and  in  the 
East  they  think. 

People  who  speak  about  the  Japanese 
nation  as  a race  of  little  people  doing 
little  things,  are  misled.  A small  coun- 
try, it  preserves  its  proportions  and  it 
does  nothing  without  thinking.  We  do 
many  things  without  thinking,  and  often 
regret  it  afterwards.  These  men  coming 
here  teach  us  of  our  wrong  conclusions, 
of  our  ease  in  accepting  false  premises, 
and  we  should  change  our  habits. 

Foreign  affairs  have  never  received  de- 
cent treatment  in  the  American  press  of 
recent  years,  because  our  own  have  been 
more  interesting,  and  we  have  not  in- 
volved ourselves  with  the  troubles  of 

6 


other  races.  Now  that  other  nations  have 
brought  their  troubles  to  us,  we  are  com- 
pelled to  know  something,  and  I think 
we  will.  The  newspapers  seem  to  me  a 
little  slow  in  grasping,  and  slow  in  In- 
forming our  people,  and  our  own  Gov- 
ernment has  been  remiss  in  not  letting 
us  know  more,  and  the  press,  I think, 
has  been  a little  too  insistent  in  regard 
to  domestic  affairs.  We  have  accepted 
the  excuse  of  war  time  to  cover  many 
things  that  we  ought  to  know.  If  you 
were  to  receive  in  your  office  the  foreign 
publications  from  Japan,  such  as  the 
Japan  Advertiser  and  the  Japan  Chron- 
icle, and  perceive  the  care  and  intelli- 
gence with  which  world  affairs  are  dis- 
cussed and  made  plain  to  that  very  lim- 
ited constituency,  you  would  feel  rather 
ashamed  of  your  editorial  exhibitions. 
You  would  be  surprised  at  the  amount  of 
space  you  waste  in  matters  that  are  of 
no  particular  concern  in  a time  like  this. 

I think  it  would  be  a good  idea  if  every 
publisher  and  editor  here  would  subscribe 
to  either  one  or  the  other,  or  both  of 
those  publications,  and  make  somebody 
in  the  office  read  them  (laughter).  You 
know  we  have  in  New  York  city  a circu- 


lation  of  about  a million  and  a quarter 
copies  of  foreign-language  publications; 
and  I never  yet  found  an  editor  in  New 
York  who  knew  a single  thing  that  was 
printed  in  one  of  them.  Now,  they  may 
be  saying  all  kinds  of  things  about  us 
and  for  us  and  against  us,  and  we  ought 
to  know  something,  and  we  decline  to 
do  it. 

You  know,  some  of  the  peculiarities  of 
Japanese  politics,  and  the  way  they  look 
at  things  strike  us  oddly.  I was  interest- 
ed in  a recent  episode  in  Japan.  Mr. 
Ozaki,  whom  some  of  you  have  met  in 
New  York,  and  who  was  for  a long  time 
Mayor  of  Tokio,  and  leader  of  democratic 
thought  in  Japan,  has  recently  gone  far- 
ther, perhaps,  than  even  his  original  plat- 
form policy,  and  not  long  ago  one  of  his 
constituents,  a humble  shoemaker,  feel- 
ing that  his  idol  had  gone  far  beyond 
the  limits,  killed  himself  as  a protest 
against  the  democratic  thoughts  of  his 
leader.  (Laughter.)  I was  wondering 
how  great  a mortality  would  follow  in  our 
present  Mayoralty  campaign,  if  this  prac- 
tice were  zealously  carried  out.  (Laugh- 
ter.) How  many  children  would  have  a 
father  a day  after  the  campaign  got  well 
under  way?  (Laughter.) 

We  take  things  for  granted  here  that 
they  will  not  take  for  granted  in  the  Far 
East. 

Well,  when  the  Japanese  came  forward 
at  the  beginning  of  this  war  to  join  their 
first  ally,  England,  and  their  later  allies. 


ourselves,  people  said  they  did  it  without 
risk.  Why,  gentlemen,  no  nation  in  the 
world  ever  took  such  a risk.  Japan  is  a 
land  without  surplus,  a little  land,  where 
people  live  crowded  between  the  moun- 
tains and  the  sea;  where,  unless  the  soil 
bears  three  crops  a year,  people  starve; 
where,  if  the  fisher  fleets  fail  to  come  in 
regularly  every  other  day,  there  is  little 
to  eat;  where  everything  has  to  be  watch- 
ed; where  nothing  can  be  wasted,  and 
where  the  population  grows  apace.  If 
they  were  to  be  blockaded,  or  shut  in  in 
any  fashion,  Japan  would  starve  quicker 
than  any  nation  in  the  world.  Remote- 
ness is  not  a defence  in  these  times,  as 
we  ourselves  are  about  to  demonstrate. 
Everybody  is  within  reach;  and  so  they 
went  into  this  matter,  not  selfishly,  but 
with  a high  idealism ; and  when  we  learn- 
ed through  the  secret  dispatches  recently 
that  the  great  German  Empire  thought 
so  ill  of  the  great  Eastern  Empire,  as  to 
make  it  appear  that  it  could  break  its 
word,  we  then  and  there  were  able  to 
write  for  once  the  true  value  of  German 
knowledge  of  world  affairs.  We  were 
then  able  for  the  first  time  to  perceive 
that  there  had  been  a most  lamentable 
breakdown  of  intellectual  and  moral  force 
in  Germany;  and  that,  gentlemen,  is  the 
thing  we  have  to  guard  against  ourselves, 
because  this  war,  after  all,  is  not  going  to 
be  won  by  force  of  arms.  It  is  going  to 
be  won  by  the  sufferings  of  the  non-com- 
batants, and  by  the  intellectual  and  moral 

-K  -K  -K 


forces,  when  they  once  rally,  and  put  on 
the  proper  pressure;  and  what  we  have 
got  to  look  for,  is  a rally  of  this  Intel- 
lectual and  moral  force,  and  it  would  not 
surprise  me  in  the  least,  if  the  greatest 
factor  of  it  all  came  from  Japan. 

An  observer  who  came  recently  from 
Europe  said  to  me  that  the  most  danger- 
ous thing  about  the  situation  was  not 
German  militarism,  but  the  breakdown 
of  intellectual  strength  in  the  chancel- 
leries of  Europe.  He  said  he  had  not 
found  anywhere  among  all  the  countries 
and  in  all  the  Cabinets  men  of  strength 
of  mind  enough  to  take  hold  of  this 
hideous  disease  and  bring  it  to  some  kind 
of  an  end.  He  understood  it  must  wear 
itself  out  in  the  blood  of  the  people,  in 
the  suffering  of  the  innocent,  and  in  the 
destruction  of  property. 

Supposing  out  of  the  East  should  come 
a ray  of  light  that  leads  into  the  past. 
One  thing,  at  least,  has  come.  We  in 
the  United  States  have  swept  away  for- 
ever this  miserable  doctrine  of  distrust 
that  has  come  forward  day  after  day  to 
puzzle  and  vex  us.  When  I was  in 
Japan  the  Premier  said  to  me:  “What 
have  we  done  that  should  arouse  this 
suspicion,  these  endless  attacks?  We  have 
met  every  request  you  made,  and  kept 
every  promise  we  have  made.  Where  does 
it  come  from?  What  have  we  done  and 
what  have  you  done?”  And  I could  not 
answer  him.  We  know  now.  We  have 
located  it. 


Address  by  Aimaro  Sato 

Ambassador  from  Japan 


A friend  of  mine  was  speaking  to  me 
of  the  author  of  “Paradise  Lost”  the  other 
day. 

Some  one  asked  the  poet  if  he  were  go- 
ing to  instruct  his  daughters  in  the  dif- 
ferent languages  of  which  he  was  a 
master.  Milton  turned  upon  his  friend 
sharply: 

“No,  sir,”  said  he,  with  a grim  and 
frigid  emphasis;  “one  tongue  is  enough 
for  any  woman.” 

To-night,  before  this  genial  and  bril- 
liant company,  I find  that  one  tongue  is 
a good  deal  more  than  enough  for  one 
mere  man,  especially  when  he  happens 
to  be  a Japanese  in  the  diplomatic  service, 
and  more  especially  when  the  tongue  hap- 
pens to  be  the  English  language. 

The  fact,  however,  that  I am  actually 
upon  my  feet  testifies,  with  something  of 
a touching  eloquence,  to  the  witchery  cf 
the  hours,  to  the  magic  of  your  friendly 
presences,  and,  above  all,  to  the  com- 
pelling lure  of  the  theme  of  which  our 
hearts  are  filled  to  overflowing  to-night — 
the  bringing  together  of  the  two  great 
peoples  on  either  side  of  the  Pacific  to  a 
heart-to-heart  understanding.  Once  that 
is  ours,  the  German  intrigues  will  be  but 
an  empty  jest,  and  the  flaming  yellow- 


journal  propaganda  as  futile  as  the  poi- 
son-gas attack  upon  the  svm  and  the 
stars. 

We  are  gathered  here — and  my  honored 
colleague.  Viscount  Ishii,  is  with  us — for 
a modest  bit  of  work  which  is  nothing 
short  of  wiping  the  Pacific  Ocean  from 
off  the  map  of  spiritual  and  intellectual 
unity  and  community  between  the  United 
States  and  Japan.  We  have  come  to- 
gether as  good  neighbors,  you  of  America 
and  we  of  Japan.  But  we  have  been  that 
since  the  days  of  your  Townsend  Harris. 
To-night  we  sit  side  by  side  as  something 
more  than  mere  friends — we  are  soldiers 
of  the  common  cause.  We  are  to  fight 
for  the  realization  of  one  dream  for  the 
defence  of  the  one  and  same  political 
ideal.  Gentlemen,  the  Empire  of  the  Ex- 
treme East  and  the  greatest  of  earth’s 
republics  are  now  comrades  in  arms 
against  the  common  foe.  And  that  is 
something  new.  For  the  first  time  since 
the  Lord  spoke  the  world  into  being  the 
Stars  and  Stripes  will  garnish  the  battle- 
red  skyline  side  by  side  with  the  sun  flag 
of  Nippon  in  a world- wide  war  upon  mili- 
tant autocracy.  That  is  a fact  big  enough 
for  history  to  take  note  of. 

Time  was — ^and  it  has  been  long  and 

7 


weary,  too — when  black  intrigues  and 
blatant  propaganda  against  the  Ameri- 
can-Japanese  amity  lorded  it  over  the 
popular  sentiment  of  your  people.  In 
the  very  days  when  Japan  was  doing  her 
bit  for  the  happy  consummation  of  the 
Anglo-American  Arbitration  Treaty,  there 
were  people  and  press  here  who  painted 
Japan  as  the  arch-fiend,  scheming  to 
force  the  British  Empire  to  back  her  in 
a wanton  war  against  the  United  States. 
Those  were  trying  days.  We  bore  them 
in  silence.  We  bore  them,  happy  in  the 
profound  confidence  in  the  ultimate  tri- 
umph of  the  American  sense  of  justice 
and  of  right.  We  bore  them  with  the 
conviction  that  no  clouds,  however  black, 
however  stormy,  had  ever  succeeded  in 
putting  out  the  sun;  that  the  sunlight  is 
ever  the  brighter  the  blacker  the  storm. 
But  that  time,  thank  Heaven,  is  no  more. 

And  it  is  with  a throbbing  pleasure  I 
note  that  the  coming  of  your  guest  of 
honor  to-night  and  his  fellow  commis- 
sioners seems  to  mark  the  turn  of  the 
tide  in  the  American-Japanese  relations. 
But  what  makes  the  visit  of  the  present 
Mission  epochal  is  not  what  it  has  al- 
ready wrought  upon  the  sentiment  of  the 
people  of  America.  The  real  significance 
of  the  Ishii  Mission  is  its  effect  upon 
the  to-morrow,  upon  the  things  that  are 
to  come.  And  I beg  you  to  permit  me 
to  join  you  in  hailing  the  visit  of  the 
Mission  as  a promise  and  prophecy  of 
the  coming  of  a saner  day,  when  there 
shall  be  no  East  and  no  West  in  the 
wider  vision  of  international  peace. 


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TED  for  that  con- 
stantly increasing  class 
of  readers  who  believe  that 
only  by  knowing  both  sides 
of  a question  ean  they  rea- 
sonably hold  to  either. 


More  Than  a Newspaper 
A National  Institution 


